In the Loins of Adam: A Realist Interpretation of the Adamic Covenant, Pt. 2

In the last post (found here), I argued that a Realist interpretation of Romans 5:12 was the dominant position of the Reformed theologians of the 16th and 17th centuries. Not only did I provide statements from such men as Ursinus, Olevianus, Pareus, and others—all of whom followed Augustine—I showed that their interpretation was codified in the Reformed catechisms and confessions of the Reformation period (e.g. WSC 16; FCH 10-11). 

In this post, I want to argue that the alternative position is not only inferior but problematic from a moral standpoint. If you remember, the Federalist, or better Representative interpretation of Romans 5:12 is that all men were punished with death not because they sinned in Adam but only because he had sinned in their place. In other words, by virtue of the federal and representative nature of the Covenant, all men were punished for a crime they did not commit. My thesis? This is not the Reformed Position.

The Attraction of the Representative View

Charles Hodge, arguably the most influential proponent of the representative position, writes: 

// The only possible way in which all men can be said to have sinned in Adam, is putatively. His act, for some good and proper reason, was regarded as their act, just as the act of an agent is regarded as the act of his principal, or the act of a representative as that of his constituents. The act of the one legally binds the others // [1]

Again, Hodge writes:

// In the imputation of Adam’s sin to us, of our sins to Christ, and of Christ’s righteousness to believers, the nature of imputation is the same, so that the one case illustrates the others. By virtue of the union between Adam and his descendants, his sin is the judicial ground of the condemnation of his race precisely as the righteousness of Christ is the judicial ground of the justification of his people // [2] 

The reason this interpretation is so attractive is that it presents the so-called parallel between Adam and Christ in a clear, clean, and symmetrical way. Note that Hodge says that the ground of our condemnation in Adam is “precisely” the same as the ground of our justification in Christ. For Hodge, both unions are representative so that the nature of the respective imputations is exactly “the same.”

The Assumption of Representative View

While such a construct is attractive, it is not without textual and theological problems, the first of which is that it is both unnecessary and unsupported by the text. In fact, hundreds of years before Hodge was born, Reformed theologians were already showing that Paul's purpose in Romans 5:12ff was a lot more modest than he would later suppose. Francis Turretin, the great Italian theologian of the 17th century, argued that whatever parallel does exist between Adam and Christ—it is minimal and must not be pushed too far. Contrary to Hodge, then, Turretin argues that the two respective imputations from Adam and from Christ are grounded upon two different kinds of union. He writes:    

// If Adam constituted us unrighteous effectively by a propagation of inherent depravity (on account of which we are also exposed to death in the sight of God), it does not follow equally that Christ constitutes us righteous by a forensic justification at the bar of God by inherent righteousness given to us by him. The design of the apostle (which alone is to be regarded) does not have this direction. He only wishes to disclose the foundation of the connection between being exposed to death and the right to life, from our union with the first and second Adam, as to the thing (although the mode is different on account of the difference in the subject) // [3]

What Turretin says here is worthy of elucidation, for though he cannot be classified as a full Augustinian Realist, his comments are helpful in showing that a pure representative view is even less of an option. What the Federalist wants us to believe is that once we say our condemnation in Adam was based on natural union, we are thereby forced to say that our justification in Christ is based on the same. But here, Turretin argues that such a conclusion lacks the force of logic. This observation alone seems to neutralize the inference that Hodge wants to make and relegates his interpretation to realm of gratuitous assumption:

// If Adam constituted us unrighteous effectively by a propagation of inherent depravity, it does not follow equally that Christ constitutes us righteous by inherent righteousness //

The second thing he points out is that the most we can derive from the text itself is that our standing before God is based on whatever unions we sustain to the first and second Adams. But that's about all we can say for sure. For Turretin, we must be satisfied with that which is taught in the rest of Scripture namely, that the two unions are of a different nature or “mode.”

// He only wishes to disclose the foundation of the connection between being exposed to death and the right to life, from our union with the first and second Adam, as to the thing, although the mode is different on account of the difference in the subject // [4] 

The Assessment of the Representative View

  • Representation Compromises God’s Revealed Righteousness

In getting started, Turretin is quite helpful. But as we move on from here, we should also note that those who force the parallel between Adam and Christ too far commit much more than a logical fallacy. On a much more serious level, they compromise God’s Righteousness as revealed in the Word of God by conflating the clear biblical distinction between free and just rewards.

In the Anthropology section of his Dogmatic Theology, William Shedd addresses this very issue. In doing so, he gives the following, and dare I say devastating critique:

// Those who make the imputation of Adam’s sin precisely like that of Christ’s righteousness commit the great error of supposing that sin, like righteousness, may be imputed to man in two ways: meritoriously and un-meritoriously, or gratuitously. This is contrary both to Scripture and reason. St. Paul teaches that righteousness may be imputed either κατὰ ὀφείλημα or κατὰ χάριν = δωρεάν = χωρὶς ἔργων (Rom. 3:21, 24, 28; 4:3–6). He asserts that righteousness may be placed to a man’s account either deservedly or undeservedly, either when he has obeyed or when he has not obeyed: “To him that works is the reward not reckoned of grace, but of debt. But to him that works not, but believes on him that justifies the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness” (4:4–5).

// But St. Paul nowhere teaches the same thing respecting sin. He never says that sin may be put to a man’s account either deservedly or undeservedly, either when he has sinned or when he has not sinned. His doctrine is that of Scripture, uniformly that sin is always imputed to man and angel κατὰ ὀφείλημα, never δωρεάν, never χωρὶς ἔργων, never undeservedly and gratuitously. The punishment of man’s disobedience he denominates “wages” but the reward of his obedience he denominates a “gift” (6:23). Christ’s obedience, which is the same thing as “the righteousness of God” (1:17; 9:3), can be a gift to his people; but Adam’s disobedience cannot be a gift to his posterity. Heaven can be bestowed upon the sinner for nothing that he has done; but hell cannot be // [5]

Shedd’s argument is persuasive because he shows that the error of the representative view proceeds on the false assumption that God sustains precisely the same relation to judgment as he does to salvation. But this is manifestly untrue. Not only is such a notion a violation of the intuitive moral principles of men (Rom. 2:14-15), it also runs contrary to the whole tenor of the scriptural data. In Genesis 4:7, God reminded Cain of the most fundamental moral principle there is—namely, that God never punishes those who do good: “If thou doest well, shalt thou not be accepted?” Likewise, in Genesis 18:25, Abraham appeals to the same principle in his plea for the righteous of to be spared in the destruction of Sodom: “Far be it from thee to do after this manner, to slay the righteous with the wicked: and that the righteous should be as the wicked, far be it from thee! Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?”

Other passages could be put forward here, but Abraham’s plea is especially important. I would venture to say that if today’s run-of-the-mill-theologian came across that statement, he would shoot it down with a measure of contempt and pride. How can we ask God if He will do “that which is right?” Doesn’t that question put God under a higher, outside law that He must now obey? Well, no, not really. All it does is recognize that God is always consistent with the moral principles of His Law. The reason for that is that His Law is a reflection of His moral perfection.

So in the end, Abraham was right to speak the way that he did. He was right to believe that God’s Righteousness prevented Him from treating the righteous the same as the wicked. And herein lies the problem with the representative view: If God punished Adam’s posterity for a sin they did not commit, then, in effect, God has condemned the righteous with the wicked. 

If I may venture again, it seems as if the problem is almost entirely lost upon the vast majority of “Calvinists” today. Rather than seeing that this position introduces serious and unnecessary problems, they double down and defend their view by asking the ridiculous question posed in Ezekiel 18:19: “Why should the son not bear the guilt of the father?”    

  • Representation Carries Roman Catholic & Arminian Baggage

In this section, I want to show why it was that the earlier Reformed theologians never adopted a representative model. The reason is that they believed the only just grounds upon which a man could be punished for a crime is that he was somehow responsible for the crime itself. To borrow the common terminology of the 16th and 17th centuries, we would say punishment (poena) and culpability (culpa) are always inseparable—except in the unique case of Jesus Christ, who suffered for sins that he did not commit. 

During the 16th century, Roman Catholic theologians were saying that, beyond the case of Christ, the separation of punishment (poena) from culpability (culpa) could justly apply to the ordinary ethical situations of the common man. According to William Shedd, this Tridentine separation was used to support their doctrine of penance. “They contended that although the sacrifice of Christ had freed the believer from the culpability of original sin, it had not freed him altogether from its punishment, and therefore he was still bound, more or less, by the reatus poenae (obligation to punishment) and must therefore do penance.” [6] 

In response to this invented distinction, Turretin pushed back in his Institutes (9.3.5-6). He wrote:

// Falsely, however, is guilt distinguished by the papists into guilt of culpability and of punishment. The guilt of culpability (reatus culpae) according to them is that by which the sinner is of himself unworthy of the grace of God and worthy of his wrath and condemnation; but the guilt of punishment (reatus poenae) is that by which he is subject to condemnation and obliged to it. The former guilt, they say, is taken away by Christ. The latter, however, can remain (at least as to the guilt of temporal punishment). But the emptiness of the distinction appears from the nature of both. Since culpability and punishment are related and guilt is nothing else than the obligation to punishment arising from culpability, they mutually posit and remove each other so that culpability and its guilt being removed, the punishment itself ought to be taken away necessarily (as it can be inflicted only on account of culpability). Otherwise culpability cannot be said to be remitted or its guilt taken away, if there still remains something to be purged from the sinner because of it // [7] 

If that last paragraph was confusing, just note that Turretin says:

(1) Any obligation to punishment must spring from culpability: “Guilt is nothing else than the obligation to punishment arising from culpability,” and again, “[punishment] can be inflicted only on account of culpability.”

(2) These two must stand or fall together because you cannot have one without the other: “They mutually posit and remove each other so that culpability and its guilt being removed, the punishment itself ought to be taken away necessarily.”

The point that Turretin is making here should be clear. Except in the unique case of Jesus Christ, no man can justly suffer the punishment for a crime that he did not commit. As we’ll see, the case of Original Sin was no exception to the rule. In fact, another notable theologian who disputed this Roman Catholic distinction (even when it was used by other evangelicals) was John Owen. In his treatise entitled, Arminianism (ch. 7), he wrote:

// Sin and punishment, though they are sometimes separated by His mercy, pardoning the one and so not inflicting the other, are yet never so separated by His justice, inflicting the latter where the former is not. Sin imputed, by itself alone, without an inherent guilt, was never punished in any but Christ // [8]

Apparently, the Arminians utilized this separation to sidestep the Realist interpretation of the Fall. Later in the eighteenth century, Jonathan Edwards is also seen confronting the Arminian pastor, John Taylor, whose interpretation of Romans 5:12 argued that ἥμαρτον (sinned) should be taken in the passive sense. [9] Like Hodge, Taylor proposed that Adam’s posterity did not sin in him, but were merely regarded to have sinned. As such, they were punishable but not properly guilty. In his treatise, On Original Sin (2.4.1), Edwards effectively dismantles this claim:

// No instance is produced wherein the verb “sin” which is used by the apostle, when he says “all have sinned,” is anywhere used in our author’s sense for “being brought into a state of suffering” and that not as a punishment for sin. St. Paul very often speaks of “condemnation,” but where does he express it “by being made sinners?” Especially how far is he from using such a phrase to signify being condemned without guilt or any imputation or supposition of guilt? Vastly more still is it remote from his language so to use the word sin and to say man “sins” or “has sinned,” though hereby meaning nothing more nor less than that he by a judicial act is condemned //

Calvin & Augustine

It should be noted that men like Turretin, Owen, and Edwards were not nearsighted. Their opposition to the separation of punishment from culpability was not a reaction merely to Roman Catholic aberrations, though it certainly was that. As one searches deeper into the annals of Church history, he will see that these men were saying nothing different from what Calvin had said before.

In his Institutes of the Christian Religion, Calvin said that although all men are liable for Adam’s first transgression, “This is not liability for another’s fault.” In the same section (2.1.8), he provides a fuller explanation, saying, “When it is said that the sin of Adam has made us obnoxious to the justice of God, the meaning is not, that we, who are in ourselves innocent and blameless, are bearing his guilt… For there could be no punishment without culpability.” [10]

In the end, it should also be said that Calvin was not unique in the convictions that gave shape to his own position. Rather, these biblical and moral convictions are found with equal force in the great Augustine himself. And while it’s true that Augustine’s theological opponents were quite different from those of our Reformed fathers, the point is nevertheless true. Like our fathers, Augustine knew the Scriptures and understood well the difference between the mercy we have in Christ and the justice we have in Adam. For this reason, it seems fitting to end this installment with a quotation from his work entitled: Against Two Letters of the Pelagians (4.6):

// But how can the Pelagians say ‘that only death passed upon us by Adam’s means?’ For if we die because he died, but he died because he sinned, they say that the punishment passed without the guilt and that innocent infants are punished with an unjust penalty by deriving death without the desert of death. This the catholic faith has known only of the one mediator between God and man, the man Christ Jesus //


Endnotes:

[1] Charles Hodge, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, 5:12

[2] Charles Hodge, Systematic Theology, vol. 2 (Oak Harbor, WA: Logos Research Systems, Inc., 1997), 194-195.

[3] Francis Turretin, Institutes of Elenctic Theology, ed. James T. Dennison Jr., trans. George Musgrave Giger, vol. 2 (Phillipsburg, NJ: P&R Publishing, 1992–1997), 644.

[4] For good measure, we should note that in the following section of his Institutes (16.3.15), Turetin once again marks the difference in the kind of union sustained between Adam and his posterity and Christ and his people. “Nor does it follow that if we are constituted unrighteous and obligated to punishment by the sin propagated from Adam, we ought, therefore, to be justified by the righteousness inherent in us by the regeneration communicated by Christ because the reason (ratio) of each is most diverse. And, moreover, Paul here (Rom. 5:18–19) instituted a comparison between the first and second Adam, in respect to the fact [of union], but not in respect to the manner of the fact (in re, non in modo rei).”

[5] William Greenough Thayer Shedd, Dogmatic Theology, ed. Alan W. Gomes, 3rd ed. (Phillipsburg, NJ: P & R Pub., 2003), 463. 

[6] Shedd, Theology, 458–459.

[7] Turretin, Institutes, 595

[8] John Owen, The Works of John Owen, ed. William H. Goold, vol. 10 (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, n.d.), 74–75.

[9] Shedd, Theology, 460.

[10] John Calvin and Henry Beveridge, Institutes of the Christian Religion, vol. 1 (Edinburgh: The Calvin Translation Society, 1845), 292–293

In the Loins of Adam: A Realist Interpretation of the Adamic Covenant, Pt. 1

In this series of posts, I want to offer a presentation of the Adamic Covenant from an Augustinian Realist perspective. For those unfamiliar with Realism, and how it pertains to Anthropology, it might be best to contrast it with the more familiar concept of Federalism. To put it succinctly, the difference between these two schools has to do with how they view the nature of Adam's union with the rest of mankind. The question is: In the first Covenant, did Adam represent mankind, or did he constitute mankind? Was the union federal, or was it natural (real)?  

While this may not seem like an important question, I can assure you, the implications of taking either position over the other will affect your whole doctrine of Anthropology. How so? If Federalism is correct, then when Adam sinned, he sinned for us; but if Realism is correct, then when Adam sinned, we sinned in him. Obviously, there's a big difference between these two propositions, and by the time we get to the issues involved with Original Sin, it becomes extremely important. But more on that in a future post.

The Parties of the Covenant   

On the surface of it, the Genesis account seems to show that the parties involved in the Covenant were two persons only. On the one hand, there was God, and on the other hand, there was Adam. However, on further reflection, we realize that the two-person construct fails for at least two reasons. First, as any good trinitarian knows, the God of the Bible is not one person but three persons in one nature. Second, and more to the point of this post, when God instituted the Covenant of Works, Adam was not contracting as an individual person. As question 22 of the Westminster Larger Catechism reminds us, he was acting as a “publick person.” 

It’s important to note that the term “publick” comes from the Latin publicus from the root populus, and simply means “people.” A publick person is one who acts in the common interest of other persons in addition to himself. This relation, however, depends on some preexisting union which serves as a basis for such an arrangement. And according to the Catechism, that preexisting union was the natural and substantial union which Adam had with the race as “the head and root of all mankind.” 

So instead of a two-person construct, I would argue that we should utilize the language of a two-party construct. In this way, we can leave room for the various “unities” involved. On the one hand, there was God, consisting of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and on the other hand, there was the entire human race, acting in the person of the first man. 

The One Or The Many? 

One of the key passages from which this position is derived is Romans 5:12. Here, Paul explains why death passed upon all men as a consequence of one man’s sin. It was because at that time the entire human race was acting as one man.

// Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed upon all men, for that all sinned // 

From this passage, two things can be established. First, according to Paul, only one sin was responsible for bringing death into the world. That much is clear from the context since the “sin” of verse 12 corresponds to the “one offense” (ενος παραπτωματος) of verse 18.  

Second, all men really participated in that one sin. We know that because when Paul says “all sinned” he puts the verb “sinned” (ημαρτον) in the aorist, active, indicative form. That being the case, we can rule out several interpretations, including those of John Calvin[1] and Charles Hodge.[2]

Calvin's interpretation doesn't fit because the phrase “all sinned” cannot mean “all were made sinful as a consequence of the first sin.” If that's what Paul meant, he would’ve used the passive rather than the active form of the verb. Moreover, Hodge’s interpretation doesn't work because “all sinned” doesn't mean “all were regarded to have sinned, but really did not.” I would argue that to side with Hodge is to compromise more than the just the grammar of the text. On his view, we compromise the very justice of God. (But again, more on that later.) 

To avoid these difficulties, I would say the best interpretation is the one that takes the phrase “all sinned” just the way it comes. As William Shedd puts it, “ἥμαρτον is nothing but sinned, and the force of the aorist is to be retained. A particular historical event is intended: All sinned when sin entered into the world by one man.”[3]

At this point, it is very important to understand exactly what I’m arguing, so let me state it as clearly as I can. For Paul to say that death is the consequence of one sin, and yet that the one sin was committed both by “one man” and “all men,” he can only be teaching what Augustine would later teach: “By the evil will of that one man, all sinned in him, since all were that one man.”[4] 

If you’re having a hard time following, then let me say it this way. In Romans 5:12, Paul identifies the “all” at the end of the verse with the “one man” at the beginning of the verse. And because of that, Paul is teaching us that God entered into the Covenant of Works with Man, not as an individual person, but as a generic unity.

The One And The Many 

As I mentioned above, many of the early Reformed theologians defended this position. This can be seen in many ways, one of which is the fact that when they described the union between Adam and his posterity, they used various Latin terms like massa, natura, and essentia, all of which denote the generic unity of the human race. What this shows is that the earliest Protestant Divines were self-consciously Augustinian in their Anthropology. “For the whole mass of the human race is condemned” says Augustine, “for he who at first gave entrance to sin has been punished with all his posterity who were in him as in a root.”[5]

But the Reformed didn’t just follow Augustine blindly. Rather, because they knew from Scripture that God made all the nations of men from one man (Acts 17:26), they could see that all of his posterity was really and necessarily in Adam when he sinned and fell in that first transgression. In this way, they reasoned that the first sin was just as much ours as it was his. According to Zacharias Ursinus, “The offense of Adam is also ours, for we were all in Adam when he sinned, as the Apostle testifies: “We have all sinned in him.”[6]

This exact interpretation of Romans 5:12 was later codified in the Westminster Shorter Catechism, as can be seen by the proof-texts the Assembly listed to substantiate their answer to question sixteen.

  • Q. 16. Did all mankind fall in Adam’s first transgression? A. The covenant being made with Adam, not only for himself, but for his posterity; all mankind, descending from him by ordinary generation, sinned in him, and fell with him in his first transgression — Gen. 2:16-17; Rom. 5:12; 1 Cor. 15:21-22.

In the Loins of Adam

While these various terms and expressions were widely used among the Reformed, the most common way of speaking was to say that all men sinned “in the loins of Adam.”

For example, in the earliest issue of his, “Esposilio Catechismi Heidelberg” (p 43), Ursinus writes, “But we all suffer justly the fault of Adam because it is so the fault of Adam, that it is also ours; for we all sinned in sinning Adam, because we were all in his loins."

Likewise, Caspar Olevianus, in his Commentary on the Apostle’s Creed, defines Original Sin as "that transgression in Adam’s loins, and the consequent corruption that I carry around in the flesh.”[7] 

Again, David Pareus, commenting on Romans 5:12, writes: “There is a participation of the sin, for all of his posterity were seminally in his loins, so that all sinned in his sin, as Levi paid tithes in the loins of Abraham.”[8]

Note here that the mention of Levi is a direct reference to Hebrews 7:9-10, giving us conclusive proof that the early Reformers held to a real race-participation in the first sin. For them, this was is the necessary consequence of the natural and substantial unity of all men in Adam.[9] 

The Reformed Consensus

Augustinian Realism was not the position only of a handful of early Reformed theologians. Rather, it was the position of the overwhelming majority of all the Reformed churches in the 16th and 17th centuries. And this can be seen in two ways. 

First, it can be seen by the sheer number of theologians and commentators that used this language of “Adam’s Loins.” While a multitude of quotations could be brought forth, I chose the following sample of citations for the purpose of showing that the consensus of Reformed theologians extended to different times and places. 

Wolfgang Musculus of Dieuze, France (1497-1563): “Some explain the word ἥμαρτον to mean that we are condemned, or virtually constituted sinners, on account of sin; which is, indeed true; but there is no reason why you should not thereby understand the actual sin of Adam, in whom all that existed in his loins have sinned.” (Epistolam Apostoli Pauli; Rom. 5:12) 

Jerome Zanchius of Bergamo, Italy (1516-1590): “Because the whole human race, which is propagated by natural generation from Adam, were in his loins, hence the precept, with its penalty, was not addressed to the person of Adam alone, but also pertained to the whole human race." (De Peccato; De Natura Dei.) 

Anthony Fay of Geneva, Switzerland (1540-1615): “We believe that the sin of Adam, whilst it was the act of an individual, was common to the whole species, inasmuch as Adam was not made a private person, but was constituted by God the fountain of the whole race. For the human race was lying hid in the loins of Adam. Therefore it is not of another's sin that we are reckoned guilty, but of our own; since in Adam we all eat of the forbidden fruit.” (En chirid. Theologic., disp. 37.) 

Samuel Rutherford of Nisbet Scotland (1600-1661): “And truly it is bad divinity for Dr. Crispe to say, ‘As we are actual and real sinners, in Adam, so here, God passeth really sin over upon Christ.’ For we sinned intrinsically in Adam, as parts, as members, as being in his loins, and we are thence “by nature the children of wrath” (Ephes., ii).” (The Trial and Triumph of Faith (Edinburgh: Assembly’s Committee, 1845), 239.) 

Thomas Watson of Cambridge, England (1620-1686): “If when Adam fell, all mankind fell with him; why, when one angel fell, did not all fall? The case is not the same. The angels had no relation to one another, but it was otherwise with us, we were in Adam’s loins; as a child is a branch of the parent, we were part of Adam; therefore when he sinned, we sinned.” (Body of Divinity, Ch. 20, Original Sin). 

Second, this can be shown by the fact that even as late as 1675 the Formula Consensus Helvetica, written by Heidegger of Zurich and Turretin of Geneva, utilized this same language. In other words, Augustinian Realism has confessional status. In the two canons that deal directly with the making (and breaking) of the Covenant of Works, the confession argues that (in both cases) man was acting in the unity of human nature. 

First, in Canon X, it says God entered into the covenant “not only with Adam for himself, but also, in him as the head and root with the whole human race.” Then, in Canon XI, we read that, now, man is exposed to God's wrath and curse “on account of the transgression and disobedience which he committed in the loins of Adam.” 

Summary

The Adamic Covenant was made between God and man. But in view of these important historical and theological considerations, neither party should be understood as consisting merely of a single individual. Instead, both God and man are complex unities, and each party must be seen as “the one and the many.” This is the only way Paul could say in Romans 5:12 that all men sinned in the one sin of the one man that brought death into the world. Truly, apart from a clear understanding of what I call a “race-participation in the first sin” such a statement would be utterly incomprehensible. 

Thankfully, it’s not incomprehensible. But as I’ve shown, the Reformed have always understood what Paul is teaching in this text. In fact, they not only understood it, but they've explained it to us clearly and consistently in their writings as well as their confessions. 

It’s no wonder that John Junius, Preacher at Delft, could say with such an amazing sense of confidence that "All the Reformed churches agree, and teach with unanimous consent, in accordance with the sacred scriptures and the universal agreement of antiquity; first, that the sin of Adam was not a personal sin, but of the whole human race, inasmuch as they were all included in the loins of Adam.”[10]


Endnotes:

[1] Calvin writes, “Paul distinctly affirms that sin extends to all who suffer its punishment: and this he afterwards more fully declares, when subsequently he assigns a reason why all the posterity of Adam are subject to the dominion of death; and it is even this—because we have all, he says, sinned. But to sin in this case, is to become corrupt and vicious; for the natural depravity which we bring from our mother’s womb, though it brings not forth immediately its own fruits, is yet sin before God, and deserves his vengeance: and this is that sin which they call original.” [John Calvin and John Owen, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software, 2010), 200]

[2] While Hodge argues for the active sense of the verb, he provides an interpretation that betrays the meaning of real participation. Though he pairs together the natural and federal, he has little to say with regard to the former. Thus, Hodge gives a purely representative interpretation: “All sinned in Adam as their head and representative. Such was the relation, natural and federal, between him and his posterity, that his act was putatively their act. That is, it was the judicial ground or reason why death passed on all men. In other words, they were regarded and treated as sinners on account of his sin.” [Charles Hodge, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, New Edition. (Grand Rapids, MI: Louis Kregel, 1882), 236]

[3] William G. T. Shedd, A Critical and Doctrinal Commentary upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1879), 123.

[4] Augustine of Hippo, “On Marriage and Concupiscence,” in Saint Augustine: Anti-Pelagian Writings, ed. Philip Schaff, trans. Peter Holmes, vol. 5, A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, First Series (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1887), 288. 

[5] Augustine, City of God and Christian Doctrine, ed. Philip Schaff, vol. 2, (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Company, 1887), 463 

[6] Zacharias Ursinus, Lectures on the Heidelberg Catechism, ed. Eric Bristly, Th.M; (Synod of the Reformed Church in the United States, 2004), 105. 

[7] Caspar Olevianus, An Exposition of the Apostles’ Creed, ed. R. Scott Clark, trans. Lyle D. Bierma, vol. 2, Classic Reformed Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books, 2009), 133. 

[8] David Pareus, as cited in the editor’s footnote, in John Calvin and John Owen, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software, 2010), 201.

[9] W.G.T. Shedd confirms the point when he writes, “The elder Calvinistic theologians say nothing respecting representation. The term is foreign to their thought. The order with them is (1) specific existence in Adam, (2) specific participation in the first sin, (3) imputation of the first sin, and (4) inherence and propagation of original sin” (Dogmatic Theology, 452). 

[10] John Junius, “Antapologia Posthuma”, c. vii., p. 152, as cited in: The Biblical Repertory, ed. James A. Peabody, vol. XI of the Princeton Review (Philadelphia, 1839), 564.