Baptismal Efficacy: A Catechetical Presentation, Pt. 2

2. Since the sacraments are effectual “only when received in faith,” does that mean Baptism does nothing for the person who does not believe?

Actually, I never said: Faith is necessary for the sacraments to be effectual. What I said was: Faith is necessary for the sacraments to be effectual “unto salvation.” That’s an important difference.

Every time a person is baptized he receives something from God—and that "something" is always good, and always beneficial—even if the person does not believe. In fact, we can see that by what Paul said about circumcision, which was the Old Testament equivalent to Baptism.

After telling his readers that being circumcised in the flesh was no guarantee of a circumcised heart (Rom. 2:28-29), he anticipated their objection: “What advantage then hath the Jew? Or what profit is there in circumcision?" Paul’s answer is unambiguous. He says: “Much in every way!” (Rom. 3:1-2).

In context, this means if a man was circumcised and perished in the end, he only had himself to blame. No one could say that God had failed to provide him with everything he needed to be saved. To say such a thing would imply that God was the “unfaithful” party in their relationship. And of course, that would be a slanderous lie:

  • “For what if some did not believe? Will their unbelief make the faithfulness of God of none effect? Certainly not! Indeed, let God be true but every man a liar” (Rom. 3:3-4)!

I believe the same thing applies to Baptism. Those who are baptized profit “much in every way” even if they continue in unbelief. Objectively speaking, God has given them everything they need to be saved so that if they perish, they will only have themselves to blame.

This means that the sacraments are always effectual in one way or another. Since Baptism puts us in a real covenant relationship with Jesus Christ, it will either result in our salvation or the *increase of our judgment before God, for to whom much is given, much is required.[1] In either case, we cannot say that Baptism does nothing for those who do not believe.  


Notes:

[1] This is what we might call the principle of proportionality, and Jesus used it in Luke 12:48 to show why some men will receive greater punishment than others on the Day of Judgment (cf. Mt. 11:20-24; Heb. 10:22, 28-29).

In the Loins of Adam: A Realist Interpretation of the Adamic Covenant, Pt. 1

In this series of posts, I want to offer a presentation of the Adamic Covenant from an Augustinian Realist perspective. For those unfamiliar with Realism, and how it pertains to Anthropology, it might be best to contrast it with the more familiar concept of Federalism. To put it succinctly, the difference between these two schools has to do with how they view the nature of Adam's union with the rest of mankind. The question is: In the first Covenant, did Adam represent mankind, or did he constitute mankind? Was the union federal, or was it natural (real)?  

While this may not seem like an important question, I can assure you, the implications of taking either position over the other will affect your whole doctrine of Anthropology. How so? If Federalism is correct, then when Adam sinned, he sinned for us; but if Realism is correct, then when Adam sinned, we sinned in him. Obviously, there's a big difference between these two propositions, and by the time we get to the issues involved with Original Sin, it becomes extremely important. But more on that in a future post.

The Parties of the Covenant   

On the surface of it, the Genesis account seems to show that the parties involved in the Covenant were two persons only. On the one hand, there was God, and on the other hand, there was Adam. However, on further reflection, we realize that the two-person construct fails for at least two reasons. First, as any good trinitarian knows, the God of the Bible is not one person but three persons in one nature. Second, and more to the point of this post, when God instituted the Covenant of Works, Adam was not contracting as an individual person. As question 22 of the Westminster Larger Catechism reminds us, he was acting as a “publick person.” 

It’s important to note that the term “publick” comes from the Latin publicus from the root populus, and simply means “people.” A publick person is one who acts in the common interest of other persons in addition to himself. This relation, however, depends on some preexisting union which serves as a basis for such an arrangement. And according to the Catechism, that preexisting union was the natural and substantial union which Adam had with the race as “the head and root of all mankind.” 

So instead of a two-person construct, I would argue that we should utilize the language of a two-party construct. In this way, we can leave room for the various “unities” involved. On the one hand, there was God, consisting of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, and on the other hand, there was the entire human race, acting in the person of the first man. 

The One Or The Many? 

One of the key passages from which this position is derived is Romans 5:12. Here, Paul explains why death passed upon all men as a consequence of one man’s sin. It was because at that time the entire human race was acting as one man.

// Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed upon all men, for that all sinned // 

From this passage, two things can be established. First, according to Paul, only one sin was responsible for bringing death into the world. That much is clear from the context since the “sin” of verse 12 corresponds to the “one offense” (ενος παραπτωματος) of verse 18.  

Second, all men really participated in that one sin. We know that because when Paul says “all sinned” he puts the verb “sinned” (ημαρτον) in the aorist, active, indicative form. That being the case, we can rule out several interpretations, including those of John Calvin[1] and Charles Hodge.[2]

Calvin's interpretation doesn't fit because the phrase “all sinned” cannot mean “all were made sinful as a consequence of the first sin.” If that's what Paul meant, he would’ve used the passive rather than the active form of the verb. Moreover, Hodge’s interpretation doesn't work because “all sinned” doesn't mean “all were regarded to have sinned, but really did not.” I would argue that to side with Hodge is to compromise more than the just the grammar of the text. On his view, we compromise the very justice of God. (But again, more on that later.) 

To avoid these difficulties, I would say the best interpretation is the one that takes the phrase “all sinned” just the way it comes. As William Shedd puts it, “ἥμαρτον is nothing but sinned, and the force of the aorist is to be retained. A particular historical event is intended: All sinned when sin entered into the world by one man.”[3]

At this point, it is very important to understand exactly what I’m arguing, so let me state it as clearly as I can. For Paul to say that death is the consequence of one sin, and yet that the one sin was committed both by “one man” and “all men,” he can only be teaching what Augustine would later teach: “By the evil will of that one man, all sinned in him, since all were that one man.”[4] 

If you’re having a hard time following, then let me say it this way. In Romans 5:12, Paul identifies the “all” at the end of the verse with the “one man” at the beginning of the verse. And because of that, Paul is teaching us that God entered into the Covenant of Works with Man, not as an individual person, but as a generic unity.

The One And The Many 

As I mentioned above, many of the early Reformed theologians defended this position. This can be seen in many ways, one of which is the fact that when they described the union between Adam and his posterity, they used various Latin terms like massa, natura, and essentia, all of which denote the generic unity of the human race. What this shows is that the earliest Protestant Divines were self-consciously Augustinian in their Anthropology. “For the whole mass of the human race is condemned” says Augustine, “for he who at first gave entrance to sin has been punished with all his posterity who were in him as in a root.”[5]

But the Reformed didn’t just follow Augustine blindly. Rather, because they knew from Scripture that God made all the nations of men from one man (Acts 17:26), they could see that all of his posterity was really and necessarily in Adam when he sinned and fell in that first transgression. In this way, they reasoned that the first sin was just as much ours as it was his. According to Zacharias Ursinus, “The offense of Adam is also ours, for we were all in Adam when he sinned, as the Apostle testifies: “We have all sinned in him.”[6]

This exact interpretation of Romans 5:12 was later codified in the Westminster Shorter Catechism, as can be seen by the proof-texts the Assembly listed to substantiate their answer to question sixteen.

  • Q. 16. Did all mankind fall in Adam’s first transgression? A. The covenant being made with Adam, not only for himself, but for his posterity; all mankind, descending from him by ordinary generation, sinned in him, and fell with him in his first transgression — Gen. 2:16-17; Rom. 5:12; 1 Cor. 15:21-22.

In the Loins of Adam

While these various terms and expressions were widely used among the Reformed, the most common way of speaking was to say that all men sinned “in the loins of Adam.”

For example, in the earliest issue of his, “Esposilio Catechismi Heidelberg” (p 43), Ursinus writes, “But we all suffer justly the fault of Adam because it is so the fault of Adam, that it is also ours; for we all sinned in sinning Adam, because we were all in his loins."

Likewise, Caspar Olevianus, in his Commentary on the Apostle’s Creed, defines Original Sin as "that transgression in Adam’s loins, and the consequent corruption that I carry around in the flesh.”[7] 

Again, David Pareus, commenting on Romans 5:12, writes: “There is a participation of the sin, for all of his posterity were seminally in his loins, so that all sinned in his sin, as Levi paid tithes in the loins of Abraham.”[8]

Note here that the mention of Levi is a direct reference to Hebrews 7:9-10, giving us conclusive proof that the early Reformers held to a real race-participation in the first sin. For them, this was is the necessary consequence of the natural and substantial unity of all men in Adam.[9] 

The Reformed Consensus

Augustinian Realism was not the position only of a handful of early Reformed theologians. Rather, it was the position of the overwhelming majority of all the Reformed churches in the 16th and 17th centuries. And this can be seen in two ways. 

First, it can be seen by the sheer number of theologians and commentators that used this language of “Adam’s Loins.” While a multitude of quotations could be brought forth, I chose the following sample of citations for the purpose of showing that the consensus of Reformed theologians extended to different times and places. 

Wolfgang Musculus of Dieuze, France (1497-1563): “Some explain the word ἥμαρτον to mean that we are condemned, or virtually constituted sinners, on account of sin; which is, indeed true; but there is no reason why you should not thereby understand the actual sin of Adam, in whom all that existed in his loins have sinned.” (Epistolam Apostoli Pauli; Rom. 5:12) 

Jerome Zanchius of Bergamo, Italy (1516-1590): “Because the whole human race, which is propagated by natural generation from Adam, were in his loins, hence the precept, with its penalty, was not addressed to the person of Adam alone, but also pertained to the whole human race." (De Peccato; De Natura Dei.) 

Anthony Fay of Geneva, Switzerland (1540-1615): “We believe that the sin of Adam, whilst it was the act of an individual, was common to the whole species, inasmuch as Adam was not made a private person, but was constituted by God the fountain of the whole race. For the human race was lying hid in the loins of Adam. Therefore it is not of another's sin that we are reckoned guilty, but of our own; since in Adam we all eat of the forbidden fruit.” (En chirid. Theologic., disp. 37.) 

Samuel Rutherford of Nisbet Scotland (1600-1661): “And truly it is bad divinity for Dr. Crispe to say, ‘As we are actual and real sinners, in Adam, so here, God passeth really sin over upon Christ.’ For we sinned intrinsically in Adam, as parts, as members, as being in his loins, and we are thence “by nature the children of wrath” (Ephes., ii).” (The Trial and Triumph of Faith (Edinburgh: Assembly’s Committee, 1845), 239.) 

Thomas Watson of Cambridge, England (1620-1686): “If when Adam fell, all mankind fell with him; why, when one angel fell, did not all fall? The case is not the same. The angels had no relation to one another, but it was otherwise with us, we were in Adam’s loins; as a child is a branch of the parent, we were part of Adam; therefore when he sinned, we sinned.” (Body of Divinity, Ch. 20, Original Sin). 

Second, this can be shown by the fact that even as late as 1675 the Formula Consensus Helvetica, written by Heidegger of Zurich and Turretin of Geneva, utilized this same language. In other words, Augustinian Realism has confessional status. In the two canons that deal directly with the making (and breaking) of the Covenant of Works, the confession argues that (in both cases) man was acting in the unity of human nature. 

First, in Canon X, it says God entered into the covenant “not only with Adam for himself, but also, in him as the head and root with the whole human race.” Then, in Canon XI, we read that, now, man is exposed to God's wrath and curse “on account of the transgression and disobedience which he committed in the loins of Adam.” 

Summary

The Adamic Covenant was made between God and man. But in view of these important historical and theological considerations, neither party should be understood as consisting merely of a single individual. Instead, both God and man are complex unities, and each party must be seen as “the one and the many.” This is the only way Paul could say in Romans 5:12 that all men sinned in the one sin of the one man that brought death into the world. Truly, apart from a clear understanding of what I call a “race-participation in the first sin” such a statement would be utterly incomprehensible. 

Thankfully, it’s not incomprehensible. But as I’ve shown, the Reformed have always understood what Paul is teaching in this text. In fact, they not only understood it, but they've explained it to us clearly and consistently in their writings as well as their confessions. 

It’s no wonder that John Junius, Preacher at Delft, could say with such an amazing sense of confidence that "All the Reformed churches agree, and teach with unanimous consent, in accordance with the sacred scriptures and the universal agreement of antiquity; first, that the sin of Adam was not a personal sin, but of the whole human race, inasmuch as they were all included in the loins of Adam.”[10]


Endnotes:

[1] Calvin writes, “Paul distinctly affirms that sin extends to all who suffer its punishment: and this he afterwards more fully declares, when subsequently he assigns a reason why all the posterity of Adam are subject to the dominion of death; and it is even this—because we have all, he says, sinned. But to sin in this case, is to become corrupt and vicious; for the natural depravity which we bring from our mother’s womb, though it brings not forth immediately its own fruits, is yet sin before God, and deserves his vengeance: and this is that sin which they call original.” [John Calvin and John Owen, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software, 2010), 200]

[2] While Hodge argues for the active sense of the verb, he provides an interpretation that betrays the meaning of real participation. Though he pairs together the natural and federal, he has little to say with regard to the former. Thus, Hodge gives a purely representative interpretation: “All sinned in Adam as their head and representative. Such was the relation, natural and federal, between him and his posterity, that his act was putatively their act. That is, it was the judicial ground or reason why death passed on all men. In other words, they were regarded and treated as sinners on account of his sin.” [Charles Hodge, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, New Edition. (Grand Rapids, MI: Louis Kregel, 1882), 236]

[3] William G. T. Shedd, A Critical and Doctrinal Commentary upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1879), 123.

[4] Augustine of Hippo, “On Marriage and Concupiscence,” in Saint Augustine: Anti-Pelagian Writings, ed. Philip Schaff, trans. Peter Holmes, vol. 5, A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, First Series (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1887), 288. 

[5] Augustine, City of God and Christian Doctrine, ed. Philip Schaff, vol. 2, (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Company, 1887), 463 

[6] Zacharias Ursinus, Lectures on the Heidelberg Catechism, ed. Eric Bristly, Th.M; (Synod of the Reformed Church in the United States, 2004), 105. 

[7] Caspar Olevianus, An Exposition of the Apostles’ Creed, ed. R. Scott Clark, trans. Lyle D. Bierma, vol. 2, Classic Reformed Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Reformation Heritage Books, 2009), 133. 

[8] David Pareus, as cited in the editor’s footnote, in John Calvin and John Owen, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (Bellingham, WA: Logos Bible Software, 2010), 201.

[9] W.G.T. Shedd confirms the point when he writes, “The elder Calvinistic theologians say nothing respecting representation. The term is foreign to their thought. The order with them is (1) specific existence in Adam, (2) specific participation in the first sin, (3) imputation of the first sin, and (4) inherence and propagation of original sin” (Dogmatic Theology, 452). 

[10] John Junius, “Antapologia Posthuma”, c. vii., p. 152, as cited in: The Biblical Repertory, ed. James A. Peabody, vol. XI of the Princeton Review (Philadelphia, 1839), 564.


Access Granted: Studies on Covenant Communion, Pt. 3

In traditional Reformed churches, the Lord’s Supper is withheld from a covenant child until he can "sustain a satisfactory examination by the elders" regarding the genuineness of his faith.

In some churches, even before that child has access to such an exam, he's required to fulfill a prerequisite condition: he must memorize and recite the 129 questions and answers of the Heidelberg Catechism. Of course, that usually means that the child is no longer a child by the time he makes it to the Lord’s Table. 

Now to be clear, I'm not arguing against the practice of catechetical training. In fact, I believe that one of the great tragedies of our day is that the regular, didactic use of the Reformed confessions and catechisms has been neglected by churches and families alike, and the results have been devastating to say the least. 

So the question here is not about using catechisms, the question is about exactly how a catechism should (and should not) be used. To state it clearly: Do we have the authority to exclude a covenant child from the covenant meal until he's completed the catechetical program of our church? 

Reasoning from Calvin

As far as I can tell, the origin of this practice can be traced, at least indirectly, back to John Calvin. It seems that when Calvin used Exodus 12:26 to support the claim that the Passover was eaten "only by those who were of a sufficient age to inquire into its meaning” (Institutes, 4.16.30), a certain application of this text was bound to emerge. 

And so it did. In fact, anyone familiar with the recent anti-paedocommunion literature can see that Calvin’s interpretation of this text provided just enough of the necessary basis upon which the imposition of a catechetical requirement could be justified. And here's how that works: 

First, the dialog mentioned in Exodus 12:26-27 is presented in Q&A format and that’s important because everyone knows that answering questions is a form of catechetical instruction. From there, it only needs to be emphasized that the dialog itself was commanded by the LORD. That too is important because if it was one of the prescribed features of the Passover, we're looking at a pretty strong case against the notion that young children were full participants in the feast. 

Why is that? Because this kind of exercise requires a certain level of maturity and spiritual discernment. And generally speaking, young children don't have the intellectual capacity to perform such a task. 

Thus, if we begin with a desire to align ourselves with Calvin’s interpretation, it puts us on a clear and definite trajectory. Not only can we deny that children partook of the Passover, we can also justify the imposition of a new catechetical requirement to regulate the Lord's Supper. And never mind that we’ve taken it from a one-question exercise to 129 questions and answers because that’s not the point. The point is that, in Calvin, we have a solid, historical, and theological argument for our practice. 

This brings us to the second (and third) argument(s) on my list of five common objections to child participation in the Passover (found here). 

Objections & Answers

2. Admission to the Passover Required Catechesis

Now as you’ll see, answering this objection is a lot easier than it appears. However, before we dive right into it, I should probably demonstrate that what I’ve presented here is not a strawman argument. To do this, I’ve chosen to interact with Dr. Cornelis P. Venema, author of the book, entitled, Children at the Lord’s Table? Assessing the Case for Paedocommunion. 

Throughout his book, Dr. Venema speaks to the question of child participation at the Passover meal, and when we put a few of his statements together, we can identify the basic structure of his argument. 

On page 70 he writes:

// The Passover Feast included, as one of its prescribed features, a kind of “catechetical” exercise. At a certain point in the Passover rite, the children of the household were to ask, “What mean ye by this service?” (Ex. 12:26). In reply to this question, the head of the household was to declare, “It is the sacrifice of the LORD’s Passover, who passed over the houses of the children of Israel in Egypt, when he smote the Egyptians, and delivered our houses” (v. 27a) //

To his credit, Dr. Venema acknowledges that the presence of this exercise does not argue “conclusively” against the participation of young children. And yet, in another place, he argues that it does “suggest” that they were excluded.

On page 57 he writes:

// Each of these elements seems to have required a measure of maturity and spiritual discernment that would have excluded full participation in the Passover meal by infants and younger children // 

From these two comments, it should be clear that the position I’ve outlined above is an accurate representation of what Reformed theologians argue on this point. As I see it, however, there are at least two interpretive errors in this argument, and though they're relatively easy to make, they completely change the meaning of the text and, therefore, cannot go unchallenged.  

Error # 1, The Question Was Prescribed by the LORD

First of all, it is an error to use imperative language when describing the question in Exodus 12:26. For some reason, Dr. Venema calls it a prescribed feature, saying that it was something the children of the household were to ask. But that's simply not true. All the text says is, when your children ask you about the meaning of the Passover, here is what you should say. In other words, the answer is prescribed but the question is simply anticipated.

// And it shall come to pass, when your children say to you, What do you mean by this service? that you shall say, It is the Passover sacrifice of the LORD //

Error # 2, The Question Was Tied to the Passover Rite

Second, it is also an error to present the question in Exodus 12:26 as a ritual feature, tied to the time of the celebration itself. Interestingly, Dr. Venema claims that this was a feature of the celebration that was to take place, specifically, at a certain point in the Passover rite. But this is misleading because there's nothing in the text that necessitates such a formal restriction. The wording in this passage is flexible and open-ended, showing that the child might ask this question any time.

In his essay, Children and the Religious Meals of the Old Creation, James B. Jordan writes:

// Exactly the same kind of question and prescribed answer is found in Deuteronomy 6:20-21 with reference to the law, and in Joshua 4:6-7 about the memorial stones at the Jordan River. These are not ritual events, but examples of a child's curiosity being satisfied in a perfectly normal manner // [1]

With all due respect to Dr. Venema, it seems that his treatment of this text reveals an inner bias. Of course, it’s also possible that he made an honest mistake in his wording on this point. In either case, the evidence is plain enough: the question of Exodus 12:26 was neither a prescribed question nor was it a ritual feature tied to the Passover rite.

Objections Continued  

3. The Language of the Text Disproves Child Participation

When I began this series, I originally planned to address this third objection in a separate post. But seeing that it’s so closely related to the second—being grounded in the very same verse—I decided to deal with it here. And though Dr. Venema makes no mention of this argument in his book, plenty of other theologians have.

For example, Brian Schwertley, in an online article entitled, Paedocommunion, A Biblical Examination (found here), writes:

// Interpreters who believe that females and young boys did not eat the bitter herbs and roasted lamb often appeal to the question, "What do you mean by this service?" (Ex.12:26) as evidence that small children were observers rather than direct recipients //

One of the interpreters Schwertley has in mind here is Morton Smith, who, in his Systematic Theology, wrote:

// The question would seem to indicate that the child was not one of the partakers // [2]

Here, we begin to see the crux of the argument, and though it’s subtle and might be difficult to discern, we need to recognize what’s really being said. The claim is that, if a child were doing something together with his father, he could not ask about the meaning it had for his dad. If he did, it would somehow prove that he himself was not involved.

In other words, the child would have said, what does this meal mean “for us” rather than what does this meal meal “to you.” But already, the argument is seen to be faulty, just by a simple application of logic. More problematic, however, are the theological implications of this reasoning, when applied to other passages of Scripture.

Deuteronomy 6:20-21

// When your son asks you in time to come, saying, What is the meaning of the testimonies, the statutes, and the judgments which the Lord our God has commanded you? then you shall say to your son: We were slaves of Pharaoh in Egypt, and the Lord brought us out of Egypt with a mighty hand //

In this passage, we have a situation very similar to the one in Exodus 12. The son is asking his father about the meaning of God's commandments, and the language of the text is: which the Lord our God has commanded you.

Does this mean that God’s commands applied only to the father and not also to the child? Obviously not. That’s a bad inference and such an individualistic paradigm contradicts the very nature of the Covenant of Grace.

When Moses spoke to “all Israel” in Deuteronomy 5:1, he told them that they were to observe the commandments because “The LORD our God made a covenant with us in Horeb” (v. 2).

** The important thing to note here is that the making of this covenant (i.e. the giving of the law) had taken place a full forty years earlier, so that no one who was now under thirty-nine years old was even there. But just in case any of them were tempted to excuse themselves from the obligations of the covenant, Moses reminded them that they were bound to those obligations, even by virtue of their birth.

// The LORD did not make this covenant with our fathers [only], but with us, those who are here today, all of us who are alive // (v. 3)

Now, what Moses says in this text is directly related to the issue at hand. A child who was born in Israel was never born into an abstraction. Rather, he was always grafted into a set of concrete circumstances which the Bible describes as being “born under the law” (Gal. 4:4). This means that covenant-law-keeping was the duty of every covenant child from the moment he was born into this world. It was not an additional responsibility to be acquired at a later time (Deut. 6:6-7; Eph. 6:1-3). 

From this, we can easily see that, when a young child asked about the laws that God gave to his father, he was asking about the laws that God had given to him as well. The mere fact that he wanted to learn more about them says nothing against his participation in them. 

I think if we’re honest, and we desire to be consistent, we’ll acknowledge that this applies equally to the question of Exodus 12:26. When a young child asked about the feast that God gave to his father, he was asking about the feast that God had given to him as well. The mere fact that he wanted to learn more about it says nothing against his participation in it. 


NOTES:

[1] James B. Jordan, Children and the Religious Meals of the Old Creation, ed. Greg Strawbridge, The Case for Covenant Communion (2006), p 57.

[2] Morton Smith, Systematic Theology (1994), p. 686-691, as quoted in Frances Nigel Lee, Paedocommunionism Verses Protestantism: How Trendy Theologizers Have Retreated from the Reformation (unpublished paper)